To absolutely no one's surprise, Cameroon's Constitutional Council has proclaimed the re-election of 92-year-old President Paul Biya, the world's oldest head of state, for an eighth successive term.
Amid rumors of a close result and claims of victory by his main challenger, former government minister Issa Tchiroma Bakary, excitement and tension had been building in the run-up to Monday's declaration.
The official outcome, victory for Biya with 53.7%, ahead of Tchiroma Bakary on 35.2%, came as both a shock and yet, for many Cameroonians, an anti-climax.
Biya's decision to stand for another seven-year mandate, after 43 years in power, was inevitably contentious, not only because of his longevity in power but also because his style of governance has raised questions.
Extended stays abroad, habitually at the Intercontinental Hotel in Geneva or alternative locations around the Swiss lakeside city, have repeatedly triggered speculation regarding the extent to which he is actually governing Cameroon. Most decisions are believed to be taken by the prime minister, ministers, or influential secretary general of the presidency, Ferdinand Ngoh Ngoh.
Last year, after making a speech at a WWII commemoration in France in August and attending a China-Africa summit in Beijing the next month, Biya disappeared from public view for almost six weeks without explanation, sparking speculation about his health.
Even after senior officials suggested he was working as usual in Geneva, there was no real news until his return home to Yaoundé, where he was filmed being greeted by supporters. This year, it was not surprising when he squeezed in a pre-election visit to Geneva just weeks before polling day.
Biya's leadership style, characterized by rarely convening full cabinet meetings or addressing complex issues publicly, has left a cloud of uncertainty over his administration's goals and the formation of government policy.
At a technical level, capable ministers and officials pursue a variety of initiatives and programs. However, political vision and direction have been largely absent.
His regime has shown itself sporadically willing to crack down on protests or detain vocal critics. However, it is also his distinctive political role that has kept him in power. He has acted as a balancing figure in a complex country marked by large social, regional, and linguistic differences—between the equatorial south and savannah north with its French-speaking majority, and the English-speaking North-West and South-West.
In a state whose post-independence years were marked by debates over federalism and national unity, Biya has assembled governments with representatives from diverse backgrounds. Though sometimes under IMF and creditor pressure, his administrations have averted debt disaster and gradually consolidated national finances over recent years.
However, Biya increasingly appears almost like a constitutional monarch, a symbolic figure deciding key issues while leaving others to set course on most policy areas. His continuing presence has stalled succession discussions in the ruling Cameroon People's Democratic Movement (CPDM).
With no designated political heir, the name of his son Franck has been floated, even though he shows little interest in politics. Meanwhile, challenges persist, highlighting Cameroon's rich resources and societal needs, raising the question of whether popular tolerance of Biya's semi-authoritarian rule is eroding. Are Cameroonians growing weary of a system providing electoral avenues but little hope for real change?
The bloody ongoing crisis in the English-speaking regions has exposed the limits of Biya's detached approach. Protests demanding reforms erupted there in 2016; Biya's slow responses and subsequent limited offers for national dialogue fueled violence and reduced the space for real compromise.
Ultimately, low-key in style, he has failed to present a compelling vision for economic and social development in Cameroon, creating an environment fraught with uncertainty and unrest, especially after an election marked by allegations of irregularities in results and growing public discontent.
Amid rumors of a close result and claims of victory by his main challenger, former government minister Issa Tchiroma Bakary, excitement and tension had been building in the run-up to Monday's declaration.
The official outcome, victory for Biya with 53.7%, ahead of Tchiroma Bakary on 35.2%, came as both a shock and yet, for many Cameroonians, an anti-climax.
Biya's decision to stand for another seven-year mandate, after 43 years in power, was inevitably contentious, not only because of his longevity in power but also because his style of governance has raised questions.
Extended stays abroad, habitually at the Intercontinental Hotel in Geneva or alternative locations around the Swiss lakeside city, have repeatedly triggered speculation regarding the extent to which he is actually governing Cameroon. Most decisions are believed to be taken by the prime minister, ministers, or influential secretary general of the presidency, Ferdinand Ngoh Ngoh.
Last year, after making a speech at a WWII commemoration in France in August and attending a China-Africa summit in Beijing the next month, Biya disappeared from public view for almost six weeks without explanation, sparking speculation about his health.
Even after senior officials suggested he was working as usual in Geneva, there was no real news until his return home to Yaoundé, where he was filmed being greeted by supporters. This year, it was not surprising when he squeezed in a pre-election visit to Geneva just weeks before polling day.
Biya's leadership style, characterized by rarely convening full cabinet meetings or addressing complex issues publicly, has left a cloud of uncertainty over his administration's goals and the formation of government policy.
At a technical level, capable ministers and officials pursue a variety of initiatives and programs. However, political vision and direction have been largely absent.
His regime has shown itself sporadically willing to crack down on protests or detain vocal critics. However, it is also his distinctive political role that has kept him in power. He has acted as a balancing figure in a complex country marked by large social, regional, and linguistic differences—between the equatorial south and savannah north with its French-speaking majority, and the English-speaking North-West and South-West.
In a state whose post-independence years were marked by debates over federalism and national unity, Biya has assembled governments with representatives from diverse backgrounds. Though sometimes under IMF and creditor pressure, his administrations have averted debt disaster and gradually consolidated national finances over recent years.
However, Biya increasingly appears almost like a constitutional monarch, a symbolic figure deciding key issues while leaving others to set course on most policy areas. His continuing presence has stalled succession discussions in the ruling Cameroon People's Democratic Movement (CPDM).
With no designated political heir, the name of his son Franck has been floated, even though he shows little interest in politics. Meanwhile, challenges persist, highlighting Cameroon's rich resources and societal needs, raising the question of whether popular tolerance of Biya's semi-authoritarian rule is eroding. Are Cameroonians growing weary of a system providing electoral avenues but little hope for real change?
The bloody ongoing crisis in the English-speaking regions has exposed the limits of Biya's detached approach. Protests demanding reforms erupted there in 2016; Biya's slow responses and subsequent limited offers for national dialogue fueled violence and reduced the space for real compromise.
Ultimately, low-key in style, he has failed to present a compelling vision for economic and social development in Cameroon, creating an environment fraught with uncertainty and unrest, especially after an election marked by allegations of irregularities in results and growing public discontent.
