India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi landed in China on Sunday with the sting of Donald Trump's US tariffs still top of mind.
Since Wednesday, tariffs on Indian goods bound for the US, like diamonds and prawns, now stand at 50% – which the US president says is punishment for Delhi's continued purchase of Russian oil.
Experts say the levies threaten to leave lasting bruises on India's vibrant export sector, and its ambitious growth targets.
China's Xi Jinping, too, is trying to revive a sluggish Chinese economy at a time when sky-high US tariffs threaten to derail his plans.
Against this backdrop, the leaders of the world's two most populous countries may both be looking for a reset in their relationship, which has previously been marked by mistrust, a large part of it driven by border disputes.
Put simply, what happens in this relationship matters to the rest of the world, Chietigj Bajpaee and Yu Jie of Chatham House wrote in a recent editorial.
India was never going to be the bulwark against China that the West (and the United States in particular) thought it was... Modi's China visit marks a potential turning point.
India and China are economic powerhouses – the world's fifth and second largest, respectively.
But with India's growth expected to remain above 6%, a $4tn (£3tn) economy, and $5tn stock market, it is on the way to moving up to third place by 2028, according to the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
While the world has traditionally focused on the single most important bilateral relationship in the world, US and China, it is time we shift more focus on how the second and would-be third largest economies, China and India, can work together, says Qian Liu, founder and chief executive of Wusawa Advisory, based in Beijing.
However, the relationship is deeply challenging.
The two sides have an unresolved and long-standing territorial dispute – that signifies a much broader and deeper rivalry.
Violence erupted across Ladakh's Galwan Valley in June 2020 – the worst period of hostility between the two countries in more than four decades.
The fallout was largely economic – a return of direct flights was taken off the table, visas and Chinese investments were put on hold leading to slower infrastructure projects, and India banned more than 200 Chinese apps, including TikTok.
Dialogue will be needed to help better manage the expectations of other powers who look to India-China as a key factor of Asia's wider stability, Antoine Levesques, senior fellow for South and Central Asian defence, strategy and diplomacy at IISS, says.
There are other fault lines too, including Tibet, the Dalai Lama, and water disputes over China's plans to build the world's largest hydroelectric power project across a river shared by both nations, as well as tensions with Pakistan after the Pahalgam attack.
India also does not currently enjoy good relations with most of its neighbours in South Asia, whereas China is a key trading partner for Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Afghanistan.
It's already been announced that direct flights will resume, there may be more relaxations on visas, and other economic deals.
However, the relationship between Delhi and Beijing is an uncomfortable alliance to be sure, notes Ms Kishore.
Modi is travelling to China for the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) - a regional body aimed at projecting an alternative worldview to that of the West. Members include China, India, Iran, Pakistan and Russia.
Experts say the downturn in Delhi's relations with Washington has prompted India to rediscover the utility of the SCO.
Modi last met Xi and Russia's Vladimir Putin at the Brics summit in Russia in October 2024. Leveraging each of their advantages - China's manufacturing prowess, India's service sector strengths, and Russia's natural resource endowment - they can work to reduce their dependence on the United States to diversify their export markets and ultimately reshape global trade flows.
